Thursday, December 18, 2014

«በማህበረ ቅዱሳን ውስጥ ኢሳትና የግንቦት 7 ፣ በፕሮቴስታንት ደግሞ የኦነግ ሰዎች አሉ» ሲሉ ዶ/ር ሽፈራው ተ/ማርያም ተናግሩ

በቅርቡ የፌደራልና የክልል የጸጥታ ዘርፍ ሃላፊዎች በባህርዳር በተሰባሰቡበት ወቅት የፌደራል ጉዳዮች ሚኒስትር የሆኑት ዶ/ር ሽፈራው ተ/ማርያም ፣ ይህን የተናገሩት የሃይማኖት ተቋም የፖለቲካ ፍላጎት ማራመጃ መሆኑን ለማስረዳት ነው። ዶ/ር ሽፈራው ከአፋር የጸጥታ ዘርፍ ሃላፊ «መንግስት ለምን በሃይማኖት ጉዳይ ጣልቃ ይገባል? ለምንስ በአገራችን የሌለ ችግር ያመጣብናል?» በሚል ጥያቄ ቀርቦላቸዋል።
 ዶ/ር ሽፈራው ይህንን ለማስረዳት ይጠቅማል ያሏቸውን ምሳሌዎች አቅርበዋል። በጥቅምቱ የሲኖዶስ ጉባኤ የኢሳት ሬዲዮና ቴሌቪዥን የሲኖዶሱን ውሎ በየእለቱ ሲዘግብ የነበረው በማህበረ ቅዱሳን ውስጥ በሚገኙ አባላት አማካኝነት ነው ያሉት ሚኒስትሩ ፣ ግንቦት7 እና ኢሳት ሃይማኖትን ለፖለቲካ እምነት ማራመጃ ለመጠቀም እንደሚፈልጉ ዋናው ማሳያ ነው ሲሉ ደምድመዋል ፕሮቴስታንት ሃይማኖት ለኦነግ አላማ ማስፈጸሚያ እያገለገለ መሆኑን የጠቀሱት ሚኒስትሩ፣ «ኦነግ ከፕሮቴስታንት አልፎ ዋቄ ፈታንም እየተጠቀመ ነው» ብለዋል አክራሪነት ስልቱን ቀየረ እንጅ አልተሸነፈም ያሉት ዶ/ር ሽፈራው፣ በሚቀጥሉት ወራት በሃይማኖት ተቋማት ላይ፣ በትምህርት ቤቶች፣በወጣትና ሴቶች ማህበራት ሰፊ ዘመቻ እንዲጀመር መክረዋል። በተለይ አዲስ አበባ ስራዎች ቢሰሩም ተመልሶ ማጥ የሚገቡበት በመሆኑ፣ የአዲስ አበባ መዋቅራችን አክራሪነትን አሸነፍኩ ብሎ ሊዝናና እንደማይገባው አሳስበዋል።
ማህበራዊ የመገናኛ ብዙሃን በተለይም ፌስቡክና ትዊተር ትልቅ ችግር እየፈጠሩ ነው ያሉት ሚኒስትሩ፣ እነዚህን የመገናኛ ብዙሃን ለመጠቀም እቅድና ስትራቴጂ ተነድፎ በሙሉ ጊዜና ሃይል የሚሰራ ሰው መድቦ መንቀሳቀስ አስፈላጊ ሆኖ በመገኘቱ ይህን ተግባራዊ ማድረግ የትግሉ ዋናው አካል መሆን ይገባዋል ብለዋል መጪውን ምርጫ በተመለከተ በኋላ ላይ ችግር ሳይፈጠር ከአሁኑ እርምጃዎችን በመውሰድ መንቀሳቀስ እንደሚገባም አክለዋል። በአገሪቱ ያሉ የጸጥታ ሃይሎች በምርጫው ላይ መውሰድ ስለሚገባቸው እርምጃም ውይይት አድርገዋል። የውይይቱ ውጤት እንደደረሰን ለህዝብ የምናቀርብ መሆኑን ለመግለጽ እንወዳለን።
ይህ በእንዲህ እንዳለ ማህበረ ቅዱሳን ከቀኖና ጋር በተያያዘ ለመክሰስ የተዘጋጁ የደህንነት መስሪያ ቤት ያደራጃቸው ሰዎች ምክክር እያደረጉ መሆኑን ለማወቅ ተችሏል። ሰዎቹ በተለያዩ ሃይማኖታዊ ጉዳዮች ላይ ስልጠና እየወሰዱ ሲሆን፣ ከተወሰኑ ጊዜያት በኋላ በማህበረ ቅዱሳን ላይ በሃሰት በመመስከር ማህበረ ቅዱሳን የእኛ ነው በሚል ነባሩን ድርጅት ለማሳገድ እና ለገዢው ፓርቲ ተለጣፊ የሆነ ማህበረ ቅዱሳን ለማቋቋም እየተንቀሳቀሱ መሆኑን ምንጮቻችን ገልጸዋል። በማህበረ ቅዱሳን ስም ማህተም ከማስቀረጽ ጀምሮ የተለያዩ ህገደንቦችን እያረቀቁ መሆኑን ምንጮች አክለው ገልጸዋል።

Gang rape spurs calls for reform in Ethiopia – Al Jazeera

Dec 17,2014
Al Jazeera - Gang rape spurs calls for reform in Ethiopia
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - Inside a gated home on the western outskirts of Ethiopia’s capital, a picture of Hanna Lalango is framed in a wreath of flowers just beginning to wilt around the edges.
The 16-year-old girl died on November 1, about a month after she entered a public mini-bus and was gang-raped by the strangers on board.
Hanna’s story is strikingly similar to a tragedy that took place in India two years ago, when another young woman boarded a bus, was raped by the passengers, and died from her injuries. That incident spawned a mass movement calling for an end to violence against women and impunity for perpetrators, making international headlines and sparking protests across the world’s most populous democracy.
But in Ethiopia, Africa’s second-most populous country, the reaction to Hanna’s death has so far been subdued.
Ethiopia’s economy has grown rapidly in recent years, and the country has made major progress on health and poverty initiatives over the past two decades.
But violence against women remains an entrenched and often taboo issue. Eighty percent of Ethiopians live in rural areas, where patriarchal customs often effectively turn women into second-class citizens.
In cities and towns, Ethiopian and foreign women alike complain of constant sexual harassment on the streets. According to the UN, Ethiopia ranked 121st out of 187 countries in terms of gender equality in 2013.
Hanna’s case was flying under the radar until Blen Sahilu, a young university lecturer and women’s rights activist, stumbled across a brief report on the attack buried in a local newspaper.
“I saw that the case was written off as something really simple,” Blen said. “I was shocked and first I called friends and asked, ‘Did you hear about this case?’ And no one had.”
Blen began raising awareness through The Yellow Movement, an activist group she leads at Addis Ababa University. Her followers on social media networks connected Blen with Hanna’s family, and soon she had posted enough information to make more people take notice.
Brutal assault
The day of Hanna’s disappearance began like any other. “On that morning, she was doing chores as usual: making breakfast, cleaning the house,” said Hanna’s father, Lalango Hayesso. “I told her to go to school so she wouldn’t be late.”
Hanna was a good student – not stellar, but studious – who had promised her father that she would become a doctor one day.
Lalango waited for his daughter to come home at 4pm, but she never arrived. “We went to the police station. Then we prayed a lot. There was nothing else we could do.”
Eleven days later, Hanna finally called. “Where are you?” she asked when her father answered the phone. He asked her the same question. Family members tracked her down, bloodied and abandoned outside of a church, and rushed her to a hospital.
After a series of transfers from one healthcare facility to another, Hanna ended up at Zewditu Hospital in central Addis Ababa. The doctors did all they could, but after 22 days in treatment, she succumbed to her injuries.
“She came to us very late,” said Dr Abiye Gurmessa, a surgeon at Zewditu whose team worked around the clock to treat her genital injuries. “The wound area was deep and very much infected.”
During her final days, Hanna told her family she boarded a public taxi after school, and the men inside had taken her to one of their homes and raped her for several days before leaving her on the street.
The ensuing police investigation eventually brought some suspects to her hospital room. Lalango said she pointed out three of the alleged perpetrators, which led investigators to find two more. Five men are now in police custody, and investigations are ongoing.
Shadowing shame
Had his daughter survived, Lalango said he would not have made this case public, as the shame would have shadowed Hanna for the rest of her life. Women’s rights activists suspect this impulse to keep sexual assaults secret has caused gender-based violence to often go unreported.
“I’ve been working on these issues, so I thought I knew them. But I learned a lot of new things,” said Blen.
“Male friends started telling stories about them growing up as teenagers, and how common it was for guys to do this. There are euphemisms to describe it; they don’t call it gang rape. But they know it’s not consensual.”
On paper, Ethiopia can point to a number of initiatives to improve women’s rights. The constitution itself guarantees gender equality. New family laws passed in 2000 raised the legal age of marriage to 18 and gave wives greater control over marital property. And last year, Ethiopia launched a campaign in partnership with the UN to combat violence against women across the country.
Government spokesman Redwan Hussein said he does not foresee any policy changes resulting from Hanna’s case, and the government intends to stay the course. “Education must be going on, development must continue, and those who commit these crimes must be brought to court,” he said. “I think we are on the right track.”
Limited information
But if policy changes are necessary, it would be hard to prove, given the lack of research documenting gender-based violence in Ethiopia. Past studies have painted a dreary picture, but limited sample sizes leave many questions unanswered.
Blen said she hopes Hanna’s case will spur interest in undertaking more research. “The long-term purpose should be to push for a comprehensive national study, so that’s what we are going to push for,” she said.
Zenaye Tadesse, director of the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association, said her group is working on a survey of its own.
“We’ve been thinking about undertaking different types of assessments on violence against women, but we have not been able to fund them,” she said.
Projects such as these are hampered by Ethiopia’s Charities and Societies Proclamation of 2009, which states without government permission, only organisations that receive less than 10 percent of their funding from abroad can work on human rights and gender-equality issues.
But Hanna’s story has shed new light on the plight of Ethiopia’s women. Civil society groups – underfunded though they are – are doing their best to build on that momentum.
‘Doesn’t happen again’
At a November 24 press conference on the case, audience members wept as Lalango described his daughter’s ordeal, and again when Zenaye recounted stories of past cases: A father who abused his young daughters for years, and a woman who died after her rapist penetrated her with electric tools.
Women in attendance shared stories of discrimination, and men called on each other to treat their female friends with respect. Attendees signed a petition to the government calling for better legislation on gender equality.
Lalango, a deeply religious Christian, is not as concerned with the political effects of Hanna’s tragedy. He said he only hopes other families won’t suffer as his has. Lalango has grown protective of his four daughters and young granddaughter, calling to check on them whenever he can.
“In our culture, it’s not like this. It’s not the right thing,” he said. “Maybe this was God’s message, a warning for other people – not only for Ethiopia, but for the whole world – so this doesn’t happen again.”

Ethiopia is One of the Top Ten Worst Jailers of Journalists

December 17, 2014


More than 200 journalists are imprisoned for their work for the third consecutive year, reflecting a global surge in authoritarianism. China is the world’s worst jailer of journalists in 2014. A CPJ special report by Shazdeh Omari.

The Committee to Protect Journalists identified 220 journalists in jail around the world in 2014, an increase of nine from 2013. The tally marks the second-highest number of journalists in jail since CPJ began taking an annual census of imprisoned journalists in 1990, and highlights a resurgence of authoritarian governments in countries such as China, Ethiopia, Burma, and Egypt.

China’s use of anti-state charges and Iran’s revolving door policy in imprisoning reporters,
bloggers, editors, and photographers earned the two countries the dubious distinction of being the world’s worst and second worst jailers of journalists, respectively. Together, China and Iran are holding a third of journalists jailed globally—despite speculation that new leaders who took the reins in each country in 2013 might implement liberal reforms.


The 44 journalists in Chinese jails are a jump from 32 the previous year, and reflect the pressure that President Xi Jinping has exerted on media, lawyers, dissidents, and academics to toe the government line. In addition to jailing journalists, Beijing has issued restrictive new rules about what can be covered and denied visas to international journalists. Coverage of ethnic minority issues continues to be sensitive; almost half of those jailed are Tibetan or Uighur, including academic and blogger Ilham Tohti and seven students imprisoned for working on his website, Uighurbiz. 

Twenty-nine of the journalists behind bars in China were held on anti-state charges. (Read detailed accounts of each imprisoned journalist here.)
The administration of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani has also maintained repressive measures against the press. This year, Iranian authorities were holding 30 journalists in jail, down from 35 in 2013 and a record high of 45 in 2012. CPJ’s 2014 International Press Freedom Award winner Siamak Ghaderi was released from prison in July, but that same month, Iranian authorities jailed Jason Rezaian, a Washington Post reporter. By late 2014, the government had still not disclosed the reason for Rezaian’s arrest or the nature of charges against him.

The list of the top 10 worst jailers of journalists was rounded out by Eritrea, Ethiopia, Vietnam, Syria, Egypt, Burma, Azerbaijan, and Turkey. The prison census accounts only for journalists in government custody and does not include those in the captivity of nonstate groups. For example, CPJ estimates that approximately 20 journalists are missing in Syria, many of whom are believed held by the militant group Islamic State.
Turkey, which was the world’s worst jailer in 2012 and 2013, released dozens of journalists this year, bringing to seven the number of journalists behind bars on the date of CPJ’s census. However, on December 14, Turkey detained several more journalists—along with television producers, scriptwriters, and police officers—and accused them of conspiring against the Turkish state, according to news reports. The detentions were born of a political struggle between President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the ruling party and the movement led by U.S.-based cleric Fethullah Gülen, and included the editor-in-chief of one of Turkey’s largest dailies, Zaman, which is aligned with Gülen.
In Eritrea, which has consistently ranked among the world’s worst jailers and is ranked third this year, authorities are holding 23 journalists, all without charge, and have refused to disclose the prisoners’ health or whereabouts. In 2014, CPJ conducted a fresh investigation into the status of long-held prisoners in the extremely repressive country; the probe led to the addition or removal of a handful of cases but yielded little information about many of those long jailed.

A state crackdown on independent publications and bloggers in Ethiopia this year more than doubled the number of journalists imprisoned to 17 from seven the previous year, and prompted several journalists to flee into exile, according to CPJ research.

For the first time since 2011, Burma had journalists in jail on the date of CPJ’s census: at least 10 were imprisoned, all on anti-state charges. In July, five staff members of the Unity weekly news journal were sentenced to 10 years in prison each under the 1923 Official Secrets Act. Rather than reforming draconian and outdated security laws, President Thein Sein’s government is using the laws to imprison journalists.

In Azerbaijan, authorities were jailing nine journalists, up one from the previous year. Amid a crackdown on traditional media, some activists took to social networking sites in an attempt to give the public an alternative to state media. CPJ’s list does not include at least four activists imprisoned in Azerbaijan this year for creating and managing Facebook groups on which they and others posted a mix of commentary and news articles about human rights abuses and allegations of widespread corruption.

Egypt more than doubled its number of journalists behind bars to at least 12, including three journalists from the international network Al-Jazeera.
In recent years, journalist jailings in the Americas have become increasingly rare, with one documented in each 2012 and 2013. This year, the region has two: a Cuban blogger was sentenced to five years in prison in retaliation for his critical blog, and in Mexico, an independent journalist and activist for Mayan causes has been charged with sedition.
Other trends and details that emerged in CPJ’s research include:
The 220 journalists jailed around the world compares with the 211 CPJ documented behind bars in 2013. The 2014 tally ranks the second highest behind 2012, when CPJ documented 232 journalists jailed in relation to their work.

Worldwide, 132 journalists, or 60 percent, were jailed on anti-state charges such as subversion or terrorism­. That is far higher than any other type of charge, such as defamation or insult, but roughly in line with the proportion of anti-state charges in previous years.Twenty percent, or 45, of the journalists imprisoned globally were being held with no charge disclosed.

Online journalists accounted for more than half, or 119, of the imprisoned journalists. Eighty-three worked in print, 15 in radio, and 14 in television.
Roughly one-third, or 67, of the journalists in jail around the world were freelancers, around the same proportion as in 2013.

The number of prisoners rose in Eritrea, Ethiopia, China, Bangladesh, Thailand, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Egypt, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and Saudi Arabia. Countries that appeared on the 2014 prison census after jailing no journalists in the 2013 survey were Cameroon, Swaziland, Mexico, Cuba, Burma, and Belarus.

CPJ defines journalists as people who cover the news or comment on public affairs in media, including print, photographs, radio, television, and online. In its annual prison census, CPJ includes only those journalists who it has confirmed have been imprisoned in relation to their work.

CPJ believes that journalists should not be imprisoned for doing their jobs. The organization has sent letters expressing its serious concerns to each country that has imprisoned a journalist. In the past year, CPJ advocacy led to the early release of at least 41 imprisoned journalists worldwide.

CPJ’s list is a snapshot of those incarcerated at 12:01 a.m. on December 1, 2014. It does not include the many journalists imprisoned and released throughout the year; accounts of those cases can be found at www.cpj.org. Journalists remain on CPJ’s list until the organization determines with reasonable certainty that they have been released or have died in custody.

Journalists who either disappear or are abducted by nonstate entities such as criminal gangs or militant groups are not included on the prison census. Their cases are classified as “missing” or “abducted.”
Shazdeh Omari is CPJ’s news editor. She was the former copy chief for The Village Voice and has worked as a reporter and editor in the United States and Greece.

CPJ Report

OLF: Appeal Letter to UN General Secretary Mr. Ban Ki Moon – 12-11-2014

olf_statement
His Excellency Mr Ban Ki-Moon
United Nations Secretary-General
Office of the Secretary General of United Nations
885 Second Avenue

United Nations Headquarters

Room DHL-1B-154
New York, NY 10017
Fax +1 212-963-4879
Your Excellency
I write on behalf of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) to bring to your kind attention the plight of the Oromo people and to ask you to request the Security Council of the United Nations to treat the matter as a priority, to condemn the lawless atrocities by the Ethiopian regime, adopt appropriate actions to bring perpetrators to account, and safeguard the wellbeing of the Oromo and other peoples in Ethiopia.
In the land of their birth, the Oromo, who constitute the single largest national group in Ethiopia, are denied the most basic democratic right to organize freely and legally and express their political opinion. We do not know any country in the world, expect Ethiopia, where 35 million Oromo people are denied the right to have their own newspapers, to elect their own leaders and support an organization of their choice. Today, it is a serious crime, even punishable by death, to support independent Oromo organizations, such as the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), internationally recognized organization, which jointly ruled Ethiopia with the TPLF in 1991/92. Supporters of the OLF and other independent organizations are harassed, detained for years without charge and their property confiscated without due process.

Friday, December 12, 2014

Addis Master Plan completed, sent to local governments on December 12, 2014

Finfinnee2014December 12, 2014 (Capital Ethiopia – pro-government website) — Established to craft a plan that integrates Addis Ababa with the surrounding Oromia region, the Addis Ababa and Surrounding Oromia Special Zone Integrated Master Plan Project Office will come to the end of its mission at the end of the current Ethiopian year. The board of directors, which is led by Dirriba Kuma, mayor of the Addis Ababa city government and Abdullaziz Mohammad, vice president of Oromia regional state, decided to submit the finalized integrated plan by January, 2015.
The board of directors are also expected to announce the approval of designs prepared by the project office, as part of the master plan. These include developing a green economy and using city rivers for recreational purposes. They are also contemplating to launch the plan in the next two weeks. The plan will serve the capital and the special zones for the next 25 years.
“By 2023, Addis Ababa and the surrounding Oromia will provide a safe and livable environment for their people and become Ethiopian’s hub to ensure the national vision of becoming a middle income county, Africas diplomatic capital and internationally competitive city” reads the mission statement of the master plan.
The plan’s purpose is to link Addis Ababa with special zones within 100km of the capital; economically and socially. These zones are administered under Oromia regional state.
“The aim of the project office was to prepare the integrated plan and pass it on to respective economic sectors, under the Addis Ababa city government and the Oromia regional state. Carrying the plan out will be the responsibility of local governments,” said Dawit Nigussie, Public Relation Head at the project office.
Hopes are that this will improve economic conditions in outlying areas. Currently, the integrated plan has introduced new industry zones in Sululta, Burayu-Menagesha, Adama, Sebeta, Gelan-Dukem, and Legetafo/Legedadi.

Thursday, December 11, 2014

የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ገመና (ተመስገን ደሳለኝ)

December
ተመስገን ደሳለኝ  (ከዝዋይ እስር ቤት)
Temesgen Desalegn behindbarመሐሙድ የሱፍ የተወለደው በ1980ዓ.ም ከሶማሌ ክልል ርእሰ-መዲና ጅጅጋ 500 ኪሎሜትር ርቀት ላይ በምትገኘውዶሀን ከተማ ነው፡፡ ለቤተሰቡ ሰባተኛ ልጅ ሲሆን፤ አምስት እህቶችእና ሦስት ወንድሞች አሉት፡፡ በጅጅጋ ሁለተኛ ደረጃ ት/ቤት እስከ አስረኛ ክፍል ድረስ መዝለቁቢሳካለትም፤ ከዚህ በላይ ግን ሊቀጥል አልተቻለውም፡፡ ምክንያቱ ደግሞ የኢትዮጵያመንግስት የደህንነት ሠራተኞች የ1999ዓ.ም የግንቦት ሃያ በዓል በጅጅጋ ከተማ ስታዲዬም በተከበረበት ዕለት፣ የኦጋዴን ነፃአውጪ ግንባር (ኦብነግ) በሰነዘረው የቦንብ ጥቃት ተሳትፈሃል በሚል ለእስር በመዳረጉነው፡፡ ይህንን ተከትሎምከምድራችን አስከፊ ማሰቃያዎች መካከል ግንባር ቀደም በሆነውና የክልሉ
ነዋሪ “ጄል-አዳብ” (የገሃነም እስር ቤት) እያለ በሚጠራው ማጎሪያ ውስጥ እጅግ በጣም የከፋ ምድራዊ መከራ እንደተቀበለሀዘን በተጫነው ድምፅ ይናገራል፡፡ በሠውነቱ የተለያዩ ክፍሎች ላይ እንደ ፍም ቀልተው የሚታዩት ጠባሳዎቹም ያሳለፈውንሥቃይ አፍ አውጥተው ይመሰክራሉ፡፡ ለአራት ወራት ያህል አንድ ክፍል ውስጥ ለብቻው ተቆልፎበት፤ ሃያ አራት ሠዓታትሙሉ እጆቹ በካቴና ተቀፍድደው፣በቀን ከአምስት ጊዜ በላይ ለምርመራ እየተጠራ ያለዕረፍት ከባድ ስቅየት (ቶርቸር)ሲፈፀምበት ቆይቷል:፡ በመጨረሻም ለአንዲትም ቀን የፍርድ ቤት ደጅ ሳይረግጥ፣ ለኦብነግ አባላት አንድ ፓኬት ሲጋራሲያቀብል እጀ-ከፈንጅ ተይዟል በሚል ክስ የጅጅጋ ዞን ፍርድ ቤት በሞት እንዲቀጣ መወሰኑን እዛው እስር ቤት ሆኖከኢትዮጵያ ሬዲዮ የዜና እወጃ  እና ከቪኦኤ ሶማሊኛ ፕሮግራም ሠምቷል፡፡

ከፍርዱ በኋላም በተመሳሳይ ወንጀል ከተከሰሰ አንድ እስረኛ ጋር በካቴና ተጠፍሮ በቀን አንድ እንጀራ ለሁለት ተካፍሎእንዲበላ እንደ ውሻ እየተወረወረለት 60 ቀናትን አሳልፏል፡፡ መሐሙድ በተለይም በእንቅልፍ ወቅት እርሱ ወይምየሰንሰለት ደባሉ የተገላበጠ እንደሆነ ካቴናው የሚያደርስበትን የመለብለብ ቃጠሎ ሲያስታውስ ዓይኖቹ በእንባ ይሞላሉ፡፡በአሁኑ ወቅት በዝዋይ ማጎሪያ ከባድ ጥበቃ ለሚደረግባቸው ብቻ በተመደበ ‹‹ዘጠነኛ ቤት›› ውስጥ አስራ አንድ ሶማሊኛተናጋሪዎችን ጨምሮ በድምሩ ሰላሳ አራት ሰዎች ጋር ከዛሬ ነገ የግፍ ፍርዱ ተፈጻሚ ሊሆንብኝ ይችላል በሚል ሰቀቀንእየባነነ በስጋት ተጠፍንጎ መኖር ከጀመረ እነሆ ሰባት ዓመት ሊደፍን ሦስት ወራት ብቻ ቀርተውታል፡፡

የተዋረደው የፍትሕ ሥርዓት!. . .
ርግጥ ነው ይህ በጨረፍታ ያቀረብኩት አሳዛኝ ታሪክ የመሐሙድ የሱፍ ብቻ አይደለም፡፡ ሌሎች ሰባት ‹‹አባሪዎቹ››ስቃዩንም ሆነ የሞት ፍርዱን ይጋሩታል (በነገራችን ላይ በአንድ መዝገብ የተወነጀሉት እነዚህ ስምንት የሞት ፍርደኞች፡-መሐድ ኢብራሂም፣ አረብ ሰዋኔ ዱልባንቲ፣ ሐሰን መሐመድ ዑስማን፣ ሐሰን መሐመድ ዓሊ፣ ሙክታር መሐመድ ዓብዱላሂ፣ከድር ሽኩር ሙሳ እና ካሚል ዓብዱልናስር እንኳን በጋራ መንግሥት ላይ ሊያሴሩ ቀርቶ እርስ በርስም የተዋወቁት እስር ቤትውስጥ ነው፡፡ ከጅጅጋ ወደ ዝዋይ ‹‹ዘጠነኛ ቤት›› ተዘዋውረው በርካታ ዓመታትን ያሳለፉትም በጭካኔው ወደርእንደማይገኝለት የሚነገረው የክልሉ ፕሬዚዳንት አብዲ በአደራ እንዲቀመጡ በመተላለፋቸው መሆኑን ነግረውኛል፡፡) እንደ መሐሙድ ሁሉ እነርሱም ፍርድ ቤት ቀርበውአያውቁም፤ ምንም ዓይነት የሰውም ሆነ የሰነድ ማስረጃ  ተቆጠረባቸውም፡፡ እዚህ ጋ የማነሳው አሳዛኝ ገጠመኝከመካከላቸው አንዳቸውም ራዲዮ ስላልነበራቸው የተጣለባቸውን የሞት ፍርድ ውሳኔ የሠሙት፣ ዜናው ከተላለፈ ከበርካታቀናት በኋላ ሬዲዮ ካላቸው እስረኞች መሆኑ ነው፡፡

 ይህ እጅግ አሳፋሪና አስደንጋጭ መንግሥታዊ ውንብድና በደንብ ይብራራ ዘንድ ለተከሳሶቹ ከተሰጣቸው ባለ አንድገፅ የክስ ቻርጅ የሁለቱን ብቻ በአዲስ መስመር እጠቅሳለሁ፡-‹‹በሶማሌ ክልላዊ መንግሥት ጠቅላይ አቃቤ ሕግና ፍትሕቢሮ በሶማሌ ክልላዊ ዞን ከፍተኛ ፍ/ቤት ጅጅጋ  የዐ/ሕግ/መ/ቁ 90/2000 ዝዋይ እስር ቤት ያለው ጋዜጠኛ ተመስገን ደሳለኝ ከሳሽ፡- ዐ/ሕግ  ተከሳሽ፡- ሐሰን መሐመድ ዑስማን (ሐንን መድቤ)  ዕድሜ፡- 21  ሥራ፡- ተማሪ  አድራሻ፡- ጅጅጋ ከተማ፡- 06 ቀበሌ 
ወንጀል

በ1996ዓ/ም የወጣውን የኤ.ፌ.ዴ.ሪ የመ.መ.ሥ.ሥ.ህ.ቁ. 240(3) እና 251(መ) ላይ የተመለከተውን በመተላለፍ፣
የወንጀል ዝርዝር  ተከሳሽ ከመስከረም 1999 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ እራሱን ኦ.ብ.ነ.ግ. እያለ ከሚጠራው ተቃዋሚና አሸባሪ ድርጅት ጋር በራሱፈቃድ  በዚሁ በጅጅጋ ከተማ ከላይ በተጠቀሰው ዓመተ-ምህረት አባል በመሆን በጫካ በዚሁ አካባቢ ከሚንቀሳቀሱ ታጣቂዎች ጋርበከተማም ሆነ በጫካ በመገናኘት በኢኮኖሚ ረገድ የሚያስፈልጋቸውን፡- ጫማ፣ ልብስ የመሳሰለውን እዚያው ድረስ ሄዶ በማቀበልአብሮ ሲንቀሳቀስ በመቆየቱ ተከሶ ቀርቧል፡፡››

ሁለተኛው የክስ ቻርጅ ደግሞ እንዲህ ይነበባል፡-  ‹‹በሶማሌ ክልላዊ መንግሥት ጠቅላይ አቃቤ ሕግና ፍትሕ ቢሮ
በሶ/ክ/መ/ ጅጅጋ ዞን ከፍተኛ ፍ/ቤት ጅጅጋ  የዐ/ሕ/መ/ቁ 90/2000  ከሳሽ፡- ዐ/ሕግ
ተከሳሽ፡- መሐድ ሼክ ኢብራሂም
ዕድሜ፡- 28
ሥራ፡- የለውም
አድራሻ፡- ጅጅጋ ከተማ፡- ቀበሌ 05
1ኛ ክስ
ወንጀሉ
በ1996 ዓ/ም የወጣውን የኤ.ፌ.ዴ.ሪ የመ/መ/ህ/ ቁ. 241 እና 251(መ) ላይ የተመለከተውን በመተላለፍ፣
የወንጀሉ ዝርዝር

ተከሳሹ በ1998 ዓ.ም. ወራትና ቀኑ በውል ካልታወቀ ጊዜ ጀምሮ እራሱን ኦ.ብ.ነ.ግ. እያለ ከሚጠራው ተቃዋሚ የፖለቲካ
ድርጅትና አሸባሪ ጋር በራሱ ፈቃድ አባል በመሆን ከዚህ ሕገ-መንግሥቱን ከሚፃረር ድርጅት በቀጥታ ፌዴሬሽኑእንዲከፋፈል፣ ክልሉን የመገንጠል ዓላማ ለማሳካት ይህንኑ ድርጅት ከዚሁ በጅጅጋ ከተማ ለጊዜው ካልተያዘ ግብረ-አበሩ ጋር በመሆን ይህንኑአሸባሪ ድርጅት በሚያስፈልገው ማቴሪያል ሁሉ፡- ጫማ፣ የፖሊስ የደንብ ልብስ፣ መድሃኒት. . . የመሳሰለውን በማቀበሉ፡፡

2ኛ ክስ
ወንጀሉ
በ1996ዓ/ም የወጣውን የኤ.ፌ.ዴ.ሪ የመ/መ/ህ/ ቁ. 36 (ለ) ላይ የተመለከተውን በመተላለፍ፣
የወንጀሉ ዝርዝር
ተከሳሹ ከ1996 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ የተለያዩ መ/ቤቶች ማለትም፡- የክልሉ ት/ቢሮን፣ የቀብሪ-ደሐር ት/ቢሮን፣ እንዲሁም የMSF
እና የተለያዩ መሥሪያ ቤቶችን እና የትምህርት ተቋማትን ማህተም በማስመሰል አትሞ እና የኃላፊዎችን ፊርማ ዓይነትአስመስሎ
በማስፈር ሐሰተኛ ሰነድ አዘጋጅቶ በመገኘቱ ተከሶ ቀርቧል፡፡››

(ሁሉም የክስ ቻርጆች ማኅተም እና አንጋው አፈወርቅ ምንተስኖት የተባለ የክልሉ ዐቃቤ ሕግ ፊርማ አላቸው)
እነሆም ያለአንድ ምስክር፣ ያለምንም የሰነድ ማሰረጃ፣ አንድም ቀን ችሎት ቀርበው የእምነት ክህደት ቃል ሳይጠየቁ እና
ሳይከራከሩ (ያውም የዞን ፍርድ ቤት) በነዚህ በስም በጠቀስኳቸው በስምንቱ ኢትዮጵያውን ላይ የሞት ቅጣትን የመሰለየመጨረሻ ውሳኔ እንደቀልድ አስተላልፎባቸዋል፡፡ (በነገራችን ላይ ሌሎች 13 የኢትዮጵያ-ሶማሌ ተወላጆችም በተመሳሳይ የሐሰትውንጀላ የዕድሜ ልክ እስር ተፈርዶባቸው ዝዋይ ይገኛሉ፡፡ የሚገርመው ጉዳይ ደግሞ ም ቢሆኑ መጀመሪያ ተጠርጥረው በተያዙበት ወንጀልአይደለምየተጠየቁት፡፡ ጉዳዩ ጭራሽኑ በምርመራም ወቅት አልተነሳም) መቼም በዚህ መልኩ በተቀናበረ የውሸት ክስ ከ20-27 ዓመት የሚገኙ ወጣቶችን በሲኦላዊ እሳተ-ነበልባል ስቅየት ውስጥ እንዲያልፉ ከማድረግም በዘለለ፣ ብሩህ ቀናቸውን አጨልሞ ላይመለሱወደመቃብር የሚሸኝ ቅጣት ሲጣል ከመመልከት የበለጠ የትኛውንም ዜጋ የሕሊና ስቃይ ውስጥ ከትቶ፣ አንገት አስደፍቶ፣ በቁጣ ቀስቅሶ ወደአደባባይ የሚያወጣ ገፊ-ምክንያት አለ ብዬ አላምንም፡፡

ማነው ተጠያቂው?
በእነዚህ ንፁሃን ኢትዮጵያውያን ላይ ‹በጄል-አደብ› የደረሰባቸው በነውረኝነት የታጀለ ኢ-ፍትሐዊ ፍርድ እና ስቅየት፣
የሥርዓቱን እውነተኛ ማንነት ገሃድ የሚያወጣ ተጨባጭ ተግባር መሆኑ ባይካድም፡ ይህንን አረሜናዊ ድርጊት በፊት-አውራሪነት የመሩት፡- ኮሎኔል ሞኒ መንገሻ በጊዜው የክልሉ የፀረ-ሽብር ግብረ-ኃይል ዋና ኃላፊ የነበረ አሁን ወደአዲስ አበባ ተቀይሮ‹ሕገ-ወጥ የሠው ዝውውር ወንጀል መከላከል› ኃላፊ፣ ቢኒያም የተባለ የክልሉ የደህንነት ኃላፊ፣ ሻለቃ ዘገየ በክልሉ የፌዴራል ፖሊስኃላፊ፣  ወልደአራዌ የክልሉ ፖሊስ ም/ኮሚሽነር፤ እንዲሁም ሻለቃ ወንድሜ፣ ሻለቃ በለጠ እና ታሰረ የተባሉ ኃላፊነታቸውንለይተው የማያስታውሷቸው ግለሰቦች መሆናቸውን ግፉአኖቹ በተሰበረ ልብ፣ ምሬት በሞላው ድምፅ፣ ተስፋ በቆረጠ ስሜትሲተርኩልኝ ዓይኖቼ  ላይ የተቋጠረው የእንባ ከረጢት ገንፍሎ እንዳይፈስ ብርቱ ትግል ማድረጌን አልሸሽግም፡፡

የሆነው ሆኖ እነዚህ የሥርዓቱ ሹማምንት የፍርድ ቤት ደጅ ሳይረግጡ፣ የሞት ቅጣት እንዲተላለፍባቸው ባደረጓቸው
ምስኪኖች ላይ የማሰቃያ ጥበቦቻቸውን በሙሉ ከሞከሩባቸው በኋላ፡- ‹‹ሞት እንፈርድባችኋለን!!›› እያሉ ያስፈራሯቸውናይዝቱባቸው ነበር፤ እነርሱም፡- ‹‹እናንተ ፍርድ ቤት ናችሁ እንዴ?›› ብለው በግርምትና ባለማመን ሲጠይቋቸው፣  ናአህሎኝነትያሳበጣቸው የፀጥታ ኃላፊዎች እንዲህ በማለት አስረግጠው መልስ መስጠታቸውን ሰምቻለሁ፡- ‹‹አዎን! ፍርድ ቤት ማለት እኛ ነን!!›› በርግጥ ከዚህ ሁሉ መከራ በኋላ የተላለፈባቸው ውሳኔ፣ ያውም በሞት እንዲቀጡ የሚል መሆኑን ስናስተውል የዛቻውን መነሾ መረዳቱ አዳጋች አይሆንብንም፡፡ በአናቱም በምርመራ ወቅት ዕድል ፊቷን ያዞረችበትን ተጠርጣሪ እዛው እስረኛ ፊትበሽጉጥ ግንባሩን በርቅሰው እንደ መናኛ ነገር ሜዳ ላይ ይዘረጉት እንደነበረ የዓይን እማኞች ይመሰክራሉ፡፡

በጥቅሉ ይህ ሁነት በሀገሪቱ አለቅጥ የተንሰራፋውን የፍትሕ እጦት፣ የሠብአዊ መብት ጥሰት፣ ዳኞች ከሕግ ይልቅ ከቤተ-
መንግሥት በሚላክላቸው የፍርድ ውሳኔ ንፁሃኑን ለምድራዊ ስቃይ ከመዳረግም አልፈው ተርፈው በጭካኔሕይወታቸውንም
እንደሚነጠቁ በቂ ማስረጃ ይመስለኛል፡፡

‹‹ጄል-አዳብ››
የክልሉ ኗሪዎች ‹‹ጄል-አዳብ›› (የገሃነም እስር ቤት) እያሉ የሚጠሩት የጅጅጋው ማሰቃያ ቤት ክፍሎች የተሠሩት አራትመቶ
ታሳሪዎችን እንዲይዙ ታስቦ ቢሆንም፣ አብዛኛውን ጊዜ ከአራት ሺህ በላይ ታሳሪዎች እንደሚታጎሩበት አረጋግጫለሁ፡፡ይህም አንድ ሰው ከአንድ ሰዓት በላይ በእንቅልፍ ማሳለፍ እንዳይችል አድርጎታል፡፡ ምክንያቱም ቦታውን ለተረኛው የመልቀቅ ግዴታአለበትና፡፡
ምናልባት እንቅልፍ ቢጥለው እንኳ ተረኞቹ ቀስቅሰው (ጎትተው) ያስነሱታል፡፡
ከ‹‹ጄል-አዳብ›› በሕይወት ተርፎ የሚወጣ ሰው ዕድለኛ ተደርጎ ይቆጠራል፡፡ በዚህ ቦታ ከቤተሰብ ጋር መገናኘት ጭራሽ
አይሞከርም፡፡ ማሰቡ እንኳ እንደ ቅንጦት ነው የሚታየው፡፡ በእስር ቤቱ አጥር ሦስት መቶ ሜትር ክልል ርቀት ዙርያ ውስጥመገኘትም ለከባድ ስቃይ (አንዳንዴም ለሞት ቅጣት) ይዳርጋል፡፡ በሃያ አራት ሰዓት አንዴ፣ አንድ እንጀራ ለሦስት እየተቃመሱለአምስት ዓመት በዛ እስር ቤት ያሳለፈ ምስኪን አጋጥሞኛል፡፡ ይህ ወጣት በ2004ዓ.ም መጨረሻ አካባቢ ሦስት ዓይነት ተላላፊ በሽታ(ተቅማጥ፣ ሰውነትን የሚያሳክክና ጉሮሮን አሳብጦ ለአዕምሮ መቃወስ የሚዳርግ) ተከስቶ በቀን እስከ አስራ አራት ሰው ድረስ ይሞትእንደነበር ያስታውሳል፡፡ 

ይህ ሁሉ ሲሆን ሕክምና ብሎ ነገር አልነበረም፡፡ እንዲያውም በግልባጩ የክልሉ አስተዳዳሪዎችጭካኔያቸውን (ኢ-ሠብአዊነታቸውን) ወለል አድርገው የሚያሳብቁ ድርጊቶች መፈፀማቸውን አላቋረጡም፡፡ ለማሳያ ያህልም እስረኛው ከሌሊቱስድስት ሰዓት ላይ በአንድ ድምፅ እንዲህ የሚል መፈክር እንዲያሰማ መገደዱን እዚህ ጋ መጠቀስ ይቻላል፡-  ‹‹መለስ ዜናዊ ሐኖላዶ!›› (መለስ ዜናዊ ለዘላለም ይኑር!)  ‹‹አብዲ ሑመድ ዑመር ሐኖላዶ!››  ‹‹ኢትዮጵያ ሐኖላዶ!›› ኦብነግ ሐዳኦዶ!›› (ኦብነግ ይውደም!)ሌላው አስገራሚ ጉዳይ ቤተሰብ ታሳሪ ልጁ በሕይወት ይኑር ይሙት የሚያውቀውከማጎሪያው በስንት ጊዜ አንዴ የሚፈታሰው ሲገኝ ብቻ የመሆኑ እውነታ ነው፡፡ እናም ድንገት በአንዲት ‹ዕድለኛ› ቀን አንድ ታሳሪ ከ‹‹ጄል-አዳብ›› የተለቀቀእንደሆነ ወሬው  ከመቅጽበት ይዛመትና ለሳምንታት አሊያም ለወራት የእስረኛው ቤት በእንግዶች እስከ አፍ-ገደፉ ጢም ብሎ ይውላል፡፡የተለመደነውና እሱም ያለመታከት የቀረበለትን ጥያቄ በሚከተለው መልኩ ሲመልስ ይከርማል፡- ‹‹ኦ!… እገሌ ከሞተ እኮ ሁለት ዓመት አለፈው›› ፤ “እገሌማ ሲያሳዝን! ካረፈ ገና አንድ ወሩ ነው”፤ “ኦ! እገሌ ለወደፊቱ  እግዜር ይጠብቀው እንጂ እስካሁን በሕይወት ይገኛል…” ወዘተ ወዘተ. . .

Friday, December 5, 2014

Human Rights in Polarized Ethiopia: the need for collaboration By Aklog Birara (DR)

Dec5,2014
human_rights_for_allPart one of three
Remark
This series is intended for the benefit of those who did not attend the forum.
Why are human rights essential?
If we respect ourselves as people and want the world community to respect us and support our causes, we must face up to the demanding responsibility of owning and leading the struggle for human dignity, rights, the rule of law and representative governance ourselves. No one will do it for us. In terms of justice, rights, fair distribution of incomes and access to opportunities, sustainable and equitable development and the like the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) controlled and led government of Ethiopia has failed. This is one part of the story. The other is what the rest of us are doing to redress the situation. Blaming others, including the repressive regime is easy. Offering a compelling alternative is hard. Read more in PDF PDF….